In the past, German foreign policy tended to talk down its possibilities for exerting influence and the resources it had available for shaping the international order.
One of these conflicting aims is the use of economic instruments to achieve foreign policy goals, e.g. export controls and sanctions.
The German business sector is aware that the relationship between foreign trade and investment and foreign policy is not a one-way street, but that overriding political considerations can sometimes demand compromises on the part of business.
The business community is more than ready to make compromises if the means and the end are clearly defined and if the regulations imposed on business in terms of sanctions and export controls are transparent and reliable.
The German economy has benefited more than almost any other from globalisation. It remains the world's fourth-largest economy. These two realities give us a special responsibility to participate in international crisis resolution efforts. If Germany is regarded as an economic profiteer and political hanger-on in the age of globalisation, German companies' interests will eventually be damaged too.
In the past, German foreign policy tended to talk down its possibilities for exerting influence and the resources it had available for shaping the international order. If we compare these resources with those open to other major powers – China, France, the United Kingdom, India and Russia – they are far considerable: not so much in the military sphere but in the area of diplomacy, foreign trade and investment, development cooperation and social dialogue.
Germany has diplomatic representations in virtually every country in the world and in all major international allied countries. It has a large scale network of chambers of commerce abroad and German companies on the ground. It is among the world's largest providers of governmental and non-governmental development cooperation.
Furthermore, there is a host of bilateral friendship societies, political foundations, non governmental organisations and semi-public institutions like the Goethe-Institut which work to promote intersocietal exchange. Finally, the military means available are by no means insubstantial.
If we succeed in combining all these resources more effectively, Germany does indeed have considerable assets with which to shape international relations and the global order – not least for the benefit of the German economy.
Translated from the original German.
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