What the Review 2014 experts say about Europe.
The results of the European Parliament elections clearly demonstrated that Euroscepticism has risen in nearly all EU member states. Nonetheless, voices from outside commenting on Germany's 2014 foreign policy speak a distinctly pro-European language.
Garton Ash urges Germany to "revitalise Europe", whilst German commentators, such as Schwarzer, are more self-effacing: "Germany's highest priority was and remains holding the eurozone together." According to Tocci and Grant however, Germany's European policy is shaped by short term interests and lacks sufficient will to play a key strategic role.
Without Germany providing Europe with strong leadership as a key "power broker" (Slaughter), there was, according to some, a risk of the integration process losing momentum and Europe failing in the face of its significant challenges. "However one is to define the centre of the EU – as the Franco-German axis, the Weimar Triangle or the interplay of Berlin, Paris and London – none of these models of the decision-making centre of the EU is possible without including Germany," as Münkler put it.
One question is certainly disputed in this debate, namely whether Germany should go its own way when its political beliefs diverge from those of its European allies. Whilst Garton Ash, Freedman, Grant and Arbour strongly criticise Germany's decision to abstain from the Libya resolution at the UN Security Council, German peace researchers, such as Müller, and many Asian writers, praise Germany's foreign policy restraint, as shown in this case.
Chinese writer Feng Zhongping considers a united Europe which actively participates in world affairs to be of fundamental importance, and Germany’s role within this to be essential: "Germany needs to have the courage to forge a pioneer group within the EU, further deepening the integration process within and meanwhile forming common positions and actions on international issues. [… ] The only realist approach would be allowing some countries to go first, the rest could catch up later on if they want." Alongside the financial crisis, the most important political challenges within this process include policy on China and Russia. Should Europe fail to present a united front on these issues, there was a risk that member states would be played off against each other by China and Russia, according to Grant, Godement and Heilmann.
Creating stability in the European neighbourhood was also seen as an absolutely crucial challenge. Whilst the crisis in Crimea and the treatment of Russia were perceived to reflect global conflict configurations (something articulated particularly clearly by Mearsheimer) and thus evoked very different opinions – ranging as far as Tocci, Keyman and Schwarzer's view that the EU enlargement policy should be revamped –, Münkler, Stein and Tempel thought that the south should be supported by means of a preventative stabilisation policy at the European periphery.
Overall, the overwhelming majority of the contributions take a clearly pro European tone, at the same time calling for Germany to assume a leading role.
